Sunday, September 9, 2007

On non-violent direct action.

Professor Gary Francione recently posted a piece on his blog titled, "A Comment on Violence" outlining his various criticisms of the use of "violence" in the AR movement. Rick Bogle of the Primate Freedom project wrote a very thoughtful response. However, neither addressed the fact that the very definition of "violence" within, and external to, the animal rights community is currently up for debate, an issue that is fundamental to any discussion on the topic since many would suggest, as I do, that the American AR movement has been entirely non-violent until this point. As we all know, the ALF and its sympathizers define violence as physical violence against animals (human and non-). This definition is not at odds with those offered by scholars of non-violent social movements and I am going to draw on the work of one political scientist specifically to illustrate this point. Gene Sharp, researcher and founder of the Albert Einstein Institution, a non-profit organization which studies and promotes the use of nonviolent action, also contends that “violence is…physical violence against persons to inflict injury or death…not as a term of moral or political opinion” (Sharp 2003:1).

"Violence," and "terrorism" for that matter, are all too commonly used as politically-charged terms to describe forms of activism that people think is untoward. Sharp goes on to accurately note that “some people regard nonviolent [action] anything they regard as good, and “violent” anything they dislike." I think that he hits the nail on the head. Defining violence using these more objective criteria, we find that no activities undertaken by American animal rights activists (and very few carried out by AR activists worldwide), would fall under the "violence" heading.

The activities of almost all AR activists should be classified as “non-violent resistance and direct action” (1959:44-45), a term which refers to protest tactics that do not entail physical violence, but in which members of the nonviolent group commit either acts of omission (refraining from participating in culturally expected activities or rituals, e.g., veganism) or acts of commission (participation in acts not expected by custom and that are forbidden by law, e.g., physical obstructions, forms of property destruction that do not risk injury (window smashing, gluing locks, graffiti)(Sharp 1959:44).

An overwhelming majority of the tactics employed by activists are actually included in Sharp’s list of 198 Methods of Nonviolent Action (1973). Those that aren't, rather than being classified as violence, can be defined as "sabotage" which refers to "acts of demolition and related destruction directed against machinery, transport, buildings…and the like. Because these are acts against property, there are not included in the definition of violence” (Sharp 1973:608). David Barbarash's philosophy on direct action is consistent with such a definition as he has stated that, “[W]hen certain buildings, tools and other property are being used to commit violence, the ALF believes that the destruction of property is justified.”

Many advocates and activists eschew the use of these confrontational, non-institutionalized, albeit nonviolent, tactics to promote the objectives of the AR movement and have often made the claim that these activities are alienating and counterproductive.

However, it is important to note that, historically, the looming presence of militant factions of activists within a movement has served to benefit the movement at large by generating visibility for movement concerns, swaying public opinion and by making the once extreme demands of the moderates appear more reasonable and thereby improving their bargaining position.

Researchers have suggested that this phenomenon, aptly termed the "positive radical flank effect," has operated in such a way within the struggles for women’s and civil rights, and, most recently, within the modern AR and environmental movements.

AR/AW activists who denounce groups like the ALF are then, in some ways, biting the hand that feeds them.

(The intention of this elucidation is not to completely sidestep the fact that the use of certain forms of sabotage can potentially cause unintentional harm to human and non-human animals, nor to trivialize the repercussions that an event like that could potentially have for the progress the AR movement has made in general. It is simply to clarify the terms that are commonly used to describe certain forms of activism and explain the virtues of nonviolent direct action in the broader context of social justice movements.)

3 comments:

Derek V. Oatis said...

There are few times I disagree with Francione. While I cannot say that I disagree completely with his conclusions, I think his reasoning does not rise above platitudes. There are narrow lines and subtle differences ignored here. Justin, in his comment, raises the important distinction of defining violence in a way that does not brand direct action, both by direct conduct and by symbolic speech, “terrorism”.

I think Francione is correct in his first point; that the adoption of non-violence is our goal. However, none of us seems comfortable relying upon non-violence’ to protect the rights and safety of persons. For example, only within the past century has this nation moved from viewing women as chattel to providing them with the legal status of person and full citizen. We have gone from protecting a man’s interest in his property, his wife, to criminalizing the violation of a woman’s body and safety, by stranger or spouse.

If, as I often hear, we seek to emulate this progression towards the recognition of the personhood and rights of animals, then our goal is not truly non-violence. In the case of recognizing and protecting the rights of women, the majority of our society determined that violence against women was unacceptable. Laws followed social norm and the means were created which enforced these laws. Now, none of us ever believes that we will ever eradicate all violence against women. Therefore, in order to protect women, we empower certain institutions to engage in violence against the perpetrators. Theses institutions are police, courts, prison systems, and even executioners.

By the use of ‘legitimate’ violence, arrest, prosecution, imprisonment and even death, we use violence to both punish the violators of rights, to serve the outrage of society, and to act as a deterrent to potential future rights violators. We generally refer to this system of legitimate violence as “justice”. Our debates tend to limited to various degrees of different elements within the system (i.e. incarceration v. rehabilitation or the efficacy of capital punishment as a deterrent). We cannot, if we are honest, pretend that it is not the severe application of violence. To deny the inherent violence of our justice system is to be able to claim that the United States never engages in terrorism; it is political sophistry unrelated to reality.

If, as non-speciesists, our goal to goal to bring nonhumans into our moral community and into our system of justice, then we must concede that our goal is to one day legitimize violence against the violators of the rights of animals. Our goal is to no longer need the ALF because we will have public servants who can perform this same function of punishment and deterrence (hopefully while applying due process to protect all rights).

The problem, in the here and now, is that the use of violence to protect animals is considered ‘wrong’ because society does not recognize the rights of animals. It is no more ‘wrong’ (in the ethical sense) than stopping a 17th century husband from beating his wife. While it sounds terribly un-peaceful; I hope that one day we can create institutions of violence to punish offenders of the rights of animals and to deter violation of those rights. Until then, I must agree that the movement’s use of violence (subject to Justin Goodman’s caveats) is counterproductive.

It is not “counterproductive” not because it makes the lives of animals worse (as Rick Bogle pointed out, that’s impossible). It is counterproductive since it is not ‘legitimate’ it serves to (and is exploited in a way to) delegitimize the animal rights movement and slow our progress.

Derek V. Oatis

Derek V. Oatis said...
This post has been removed by the author.
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